Dodging bullets, dodging explosions, protecting state secrets.
Bombastic propaganda films present shadowy Russian political operative Maxim Shugalei as a heroic figure – who will apparently stop at nothing in his quest to promote the country abroad.
While his escapades are undoubtedly exaggerated, in real life he played a major role in expanding Russian influence in parts of Africa, working closely with the Wagner group of Russian mercenaries.
However, this so-called iron man recently suffered a setback when he was arrested in the Central African country of Chad.
He, along with fellow Russian agents Samer Sueifan and E Tsaryov, were arrested in September on unexplained charges before being released and sent home earlier this month, the Russian embassy said.
Who is Maxim Shugalei?
Shugalei tends to describe himself as a “sociologist,” but in reality, analysts say, he is a spin doctor and agent of Russian influence known for his work on the African continent.
He has been under EU sanctions since 2023 for overseeing disinformation campaigns to promote the Wagner Group in several African countries, and is also the subject of Ukrainian sanctions.
Since at least 2010, Shugalei had been linked to the late Russian businessman Yevgeny Prigozhin, the Wagner boss and a close associate of President Vladimir Putin.
While Shugalei denied these ties – as was common in Prigozhin’s circles – he nevertheless first came to media attention for his work and subsequent arrest in Libya on charges of espionage and election interference on behalf of the Wagner boss.
Prigozhin had tasked Shugalei with gathering information and preparing a strategy to support Seif al-Islam Gaddafi, the son of former leader Muammar Gaddafi.
When Shugalei returned to Russia, Prigozhin revealed that he had given him 18 million rubles ($173,000; £138,000) – 1 million rubles for every month he spent in captivity.
Shugalei’s escapades in Libya provided the basis for a trilogy of action TV films, apparently sponsored by Prigozhin. They were intended, among other things, to glorify the regime of then Wagner ally Khalifa Haftar in eastern Libya and to whitewash Russian activities in Africa.
The role of Shugalei was played by actor Kirill Polukhin, and the films portray him as “almost a James Bond figure, or Mission Impossible type,” says Ladd Serwat, a regional specialist in Africa at the Armed Conflict Location and Event Data- project (Acled ).
“We get to see this macho, tough individual who is unwilling to crack under pressure or reveal national secrets – and then is highly capable as a mercenary or as an independent military operator.”
A modestly sized online fan page falsely claims that ‘Shugalei’ has even become an Arabic word for ‘man of iron who cannot be broken’.
But as a key player in the expansion of Russian influence in Africa in recent years, he has also been involved in some extraordinary activities in real life.
In 2018, a BBC investigation revealed that he was one of several Russian agents caught offering suitcases full of cash to presidential candidates in Madagascar.
Before his activities abroad, the only public episode of Shugalei’s career as a political advisor dates back to the 2002 elections for the parliament in St. Petersburg.
At the time, Shugalei served as a representative of one of the candidates and ate several documents during an election commission meeting to prevent them from being brought to justice.
How influential is Shugalei?
Under Prigozhin, Shugalei’s official position was head of the Foundation for the Protection of National Values, a pro-Wagner organization and public relations firm.
Unofficially, he worked in several African states to ensure that regimes favorable to Wagner would come and stay in power, as part of Russia’s efforts to gain influence on the continent – especially at the expense of France.
Since the death of Yevgeny Prigozhin last year, troops serving under Wagner’s banner in Ukraine and Africa have been incorporated into Russia’s official military structure.
However, Prigozhin’s media empire, of which Shugalei was a part, has crumbled.
As someone who operates in the shadows, it’s difficult to know exactly how much influence he wields.
Still, according to some, Shugalei may not have lost too much influence despite the death of his mentor.
“He still seems to have the same level of influence, despite the fact that the Kremlin appears to have taken over most of the Wagner group’s activities,” said Beverly Ochieng, a senior analyst covering French-speaking Africa for audit risks.
He apparently no longer denies his ties to Wagner and Prigozhin – his Telegram channel is full of posts memorializing the late oligarch and his mercenary group, and he even reposts Wagner’s recruitment information.
But beyond his arrest in Chad and a trip to Angola in July, which he documented on Telegram, it is difficult to tell the full extent of his current activities.
Why was he arrested in Chad?
Chad has not given an official reason for the arrest of Shugalei and his two associates.
Several theories abound – some more plausible than others.
Russia’s state-controlled news channel RT reported that the arrests were initiated by France, but this is most likely a face-saving fiction, Ms Ochieng told the BBC.
Since at least May, Russia has pushed the narrative that the West’s traditional influence in Chad is waning.
But while Chad has recently signed agreements with Russia on infrastructure and security, it still hosts French troops and maintains good relations with the former colonial power, unlike several of its French-speaking neighbors that have turned to Russia.
There is no evidence of a Russian military presence in the country.
Some even argue that Chadian President Mahamat Déby is skillfully playing Russia and the West against each other, to Chad’s advantage.
Russia is seeking complete dominance over the Sahel region in West Africa and already has close ties with two of Chad’s neighbors: Niger and the Central African Republic (CAR), the country where Russian influence is strongest on the continent.
Wagner fighters are said to have infiltrated Chad from the CAR and clashed with the local army before withdrawing.
If Russia could bring Chad into its orbit, it would create an uninterrupted sphere of influence stretching thousands of miles.
Shugalei had visited Chad twice before, notably holding talks with Déby’s campaign team ahead of May’s presidential elections. He was also associated with the Russia House cultural center in the capital N’Djamena, which recently unveiled a new headquarters at a ceremony attended by Russian government officials.
Last year, US intelligence agencies said they had discovered that Wagner allegedly orchestrated a plot to kill Déby but failed to carry it out.
Mr Serwat suggests that this may be why Shugalei was arrested.
Ms Ochieng said Chad may have been concerned about Shugalei’s potential to try to destabilize the country by spreading disinformation.
Shugalei’s foundation has denied that he is a “Wagner spy”, saying Shugalei “knows nothing in particular about the Wagner Group’s activities in Africa and only knows general details about what it did previously”.
According to analysts, Russian-backed social media content, TV stations and news sites are being deployed to spread a pro-Russian agenda and disinformation, especially in Africa.
Examples include Afrique Media TV, which broadcasts from Cameroon to CAR, Ivory Coast, Mali, Burkina Faso and Niger – and is also on YouTube, where it has thousands of followers and enjoys a large Facebook following.
Shugalei himself teases his presence in various African countries, sometimes sharing short, low-budget vlog-style Telegram videos that make clear his love for showmanship.
Of the video content aimed at Africans, many of them have a fabulous look – one, called LionBear – shows a bear (symbolizing Russia) running around the world to catch a lion (his friend from the Central African Republic) against the evil influence of hyenas.
“I don’t think people are necessarily convinced by these videos; people think it’s funny, a joke,” says Ms Ochieng.
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